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Israel's Secret Weapon

3/8/1944

The “secret weapon” referred to in the title is the spiritual strength of the Jewish people. My father attributes the miraculous survival of the Jews against all oppressors to this spiritual underpinning. In the midst of World War II, and as an Army-Air Force Chaplain, he draws on inspirational words from Army orientation guidelines. He applies these concepts to Jews, then expresses concern that the eroding spirituality among modern Jews may become their eventual undoing.

The complexities of modern life, the great changes in the world of thought and science, have put our spiritual steel to a great test.

“PURIM IZ KEIN YOMTOV”[1][2] has long been a familiar byword among Jews. And indeed, when we think of the deeply religious nature which characterizes most of the other red-letter days of our religious calendar, Purim does seem to be rather insignificant by comparison. Not only is it officially a minor holiday, but the manner in which we observe it, likewise, seems to fall short of the dignity of other occasions. The merrymaking and masquerading of Purim contrast sharply with the solemnity of Rosh Hashanah or even the dignified joy of Succos, and unlike the stirring religious messages which permeate the Scriptural readings of other festivals, the story of the Megillah contains not even a single reference to the God of Israel. It is quite surprising, therefore, to find that the rabbis, notwithstanding all these shortcomings, should have made the statement that Purim is as great a day as that upon which the Torah was given at Sinai. It is again surprising to find the opinion that even though it is conceivable that all the words of the prophets and the Holy Writings might sometime be lost and forgotten, the book of Esther would alone, nevertheless, still be remembered and the observance of Purim never be discontinued. In spite of all, Purim does seem to be a Yomtov, and an important one at that.

The paradox of Purim extends even into its very significance as a holiday. For in spite of the fact that it is a day of merrymaking and that the rabbis on this one day of the year jokingly permit us to imbibe so freely of strong drink that we would not even realize the error of “Cursed be Mordecai and blessed be Haman”—in spite of this Purim is essentially the symbol of Jewish dignity. Indeed, it is precisely because of this carefree spirit that Purim symbolizes for us the dignified self-assurance with which the Jew faced the vicissitudes of history and the dignified pride with which he stood up to the trials which beset him so many times in so many places.

The Purim story itself tells us of the dignity with which Mordecai reacted to the accusations of Haman. “There is a certain people, “ said Haman, “scattered abroad and dispersed among the people of Thy kingdom and their laws are diverse from those of every people, neither they keep the king’s laws.” When Mordecai hears this however, he does not seek to ingratiate himself with Haman nor to persuade him that after all the Jew is not “diverse” from other peoples. He does not in panic dissipate his energies in proving that he was as good a Persian as the rest of them and that Jews do not break “the king’s laws.” He rather counsels Esther to go boldly before the king and to confront him straightforwardly with the problem of her people. And when Esther is at first hesitant, Mordecai demonstrates his faith in the staying powers of his people, when he says, “For if thou altogether holdest thy peace at this time, then will relief and deliverance arise from another place.” Never for a moment does he doubt that the Jewish people will weather the storm.

When in succeeding generations the Jews commemorated these events of Purim, they recalled not only Haman of Persia, but all other tyrants like him, who had ever wanted to destroy the Jew. The fact that they could laugh and make merry in spite of these sorrowful memories was but the reflection of the same strength of character displayed by Mordecai, the same dignity and self-assurance, the same faith and optimism. It was the best proof, to use a word that sums up all these qualities, of their high morale, despite the ill fortune which dogged them.

It is not mere rhetoric to say that it was just this high morale which has been the “secret weapon” of Jewish survival. Recognition of the importance of the mental and spiritual factor for survival in times of crisis comes from a variety of sources. In wards where men lie critically ill and hover between life and death, some men live, physicians will tell you, because they have the will to live and are not afraid; others die, because they show no spiritual life or death is frequently determined by the morale of the patient himself.

Military leaders, also, ancient and modern, enemy and our own, have many times paid tribute to the importance of morale in achieving victory in battle. Caesar would personally lecture to his troops for the purpose of bolstering morale. In a German training manual of the present war we read that, “Ultimate success depends not on equipment, but the spirit in which we enter battle.” Napoleon the Great maintained that, “The spiritual is to the material in battle as three is to one.”

That this applies to the Jew also was recognized long ago by our rabbis. The Midrash, in commenting on the Book of Esther, pictures the wicked of the Bible as each in succession trying to outdo the others in his scheming against Israel. Each looks down upon his predecessors because of their failure to prevail. Esau looks down upon Cain, and goes him one better. Pharaoh belittles Esau and outdoes him in cruelty. Haman the arch tyrant looks down even upon Pharaoh. “I will not do as he has done,” says Haman, “but I will crush them and kill them and destroy them.” And we can imagine the rabbis of old chuckling to themselves at the utter ineffectiveness of any of the machinations of our oppressors. “But,” the rabbis added significantly, “someday in the future God will say, ‘Fools were all these ancients; they did not realize that Israel has a protector in heaven. I will not do as they have done. First I will contend with their protector, and then I will contend with Israel.’” Thus reads the Midrash, as though to say, “To destroy Israel you must first undermine his spiritual foundation. No tyrant can contend successfully with Israel regardless of his severity, if that spiritual foundation remains unweakened.” That is the secret of Israel’s survival. Take away his faith and his morale and only then will he be in mortal danger.

Today, as we are confronted by the greatest crisis of all our history induced by enemies who may with justifiable impudence look down even upon Haman, the maintenance of our spiritual armor remains our basic asset in assuring survival. It is not as easy, unfortunately, for us as it was for our forefathers to keep our spiritual arsenal stocked. The complexities of modern life, the great changes in the world of thought and science, have put our spiritual steel to a great test. Our task is much more difficult. Our approach must be different. But the test can be met.

What must we do to build present day Jewish morale? We may well take our cue from our fighting forces. Recognizing the importance of the problem, the United States Army seeks in many ways to boost the morale of its fighting men. One of its outstanding techniques is to be found in its orientation department. This department by means of lectures and discussions attempts to acquaint the soldier with the issues involved in the current world struggle, to demonstrate to him the worthwhileness of our effort, and to build in him the will to carry on. The four points which are emphasized in this program can effectively serve as the pattern for building Jewish morale as well. These four points, which are hammered home to the soldier, exhort him first: “Have pride in your outfit.” Second: “Know what you are fighting for.” Third: “Know your enemy.” Fourth: “Know your allies.”

As Jews, too, we need first to all to learn to have “pride in outfit,” pride in ourselves as members of the Jewish people. All too many of us in the present almost wince at the mention of the word Jew, as though it were some term of reproach. All too many of us suffer an inferiority complex and feel that it is a handicap to live as a Jew. All too many hear the accusations of the enemy poured forth so venomously, and in confusion are inclined to accept the enemy’s evaluation of the Jew as at least a partial truth. Many of us heatedly proclaim our Jewish pride in the face of insult, but so often this belligerent reaction is but a psychological compensation for the doubt and apprehension with which we are normally filled. The basic reason for this is sheer ignorance of Jewish history and Jewish existence. If Jewish history did not provide us with such an inspiring epic of the past, if there were no Jewish pioneers in Palestine to thrill us with their glorious achievements in the present, if the Jewish people had not made such great contributions to civilization, there might be reason for such embarrassment. As it is, however, only abysmal ignorance can prevent us from having pride in our outfit, and the attainment of Jewish knowledge is the major objective in regaining that pride.

As Jews, too, we need to know why we fight. What is it that Judaism wants of us? What is the sense of continuing as Jews? This point ties in closely with the first. The knowledge of our past would also provide us with an understanding of our hopes for the future. The lessons of our great teachers would provide us with the signposts that we so desperately need. The rabbis said that Amos summarized Judaism very competently when he preached, “Let justice well up as waters and righteousness as a mighty stream.” Hillel also put it concisely, when he said that the essence of Judaism is, “Do not unto others what you would not have then do to you. The rest is commentary.” This combination of social and personal ethics is the fundamental purpose of Jewish striving. We should become more familiar with its broader details and learn some of its commentary. We should seek to understand some of its practical implications for the social struggles of the present and its significance in moulding the world of the future. We would then feel that as part of the Jewish people and the heirs to a great heritage we have a definite contribution to make to the present world scene, that our survival fills a need and a purpose, and is not the meaningless caprice of fate.

As Jews, too, we need to know our enemies. Why is it that so many of our people today fear anti-Semitism and desire sincerely to combat it, and nevertheless play into the very hands of those who foster it. Why is it that so many Jews are afraid to fight openly and insist on blinking their eyes at events which hurt us? Why are we so smugly satisfied with halfway measures of anti-defamation, when it is only the triumph over reaction in the economic and political arena that can bring us complete victory over our enemies? It is time to stop being fearful of self-expression and to speak up forthrightly. When the basic rights of any human being are threatened then there is also a threat to the Jew. In every force of reaction, which threatens whatever group or race or creed, there lies the modern Haman who must be resisted and vanquished.

And finally, as Jews, too, we need to know our allies. If we have mastered the preceding task of knowing our enemies, we shall be in better position also to know our allies. It goes without saying that the obvious good-will agencies, which set out to better the relationship between the Jew and his neighbor, are our allies. But we must realize further that all forces which fight the elements of reaction are thereby also automatically our allies. The distinguishing marks of reaction are opposition to the attempts of the common man to attain a measure of security in his life, claims of racial superiority, suppression of the rights of the many in favor of political and economic domination by a chosen few. Those, therefore, who strive to protect the rights and dignity of the common man, who fight racial and religious discrimination, who stand up against the all-consuming greed of economic monopoly and power, those who fight any or all of these harbingers of fascism, they, too, are our allies and should be treated accordingly.

That is the program. That is the stimulant we need for the strengthening of Jewish morale. We must acquire the knowledge that brings us pride in the achievements of our people. We must understand to what end we fight for Jewish survival. We must recognize clearly the enemy who would destroy us. We must know those who are actively fighting beside us. Then the spirit displayed by our father is their celebration of Purim will be strong within us. We will then no longer question whether or why we should survive as Jews. We will have developed a sense of purpose, self-respect, self-assurance. We will live our lives as Jews with pride and with dignity. Our spiritual armor will be strong, and with our “secret weapon,” our impregnable morale, functioning to perfection, the future of our people will be assured. Am Yisroel chai. The people of Israel will continue to live.

[1] Purim is a Jewish holiday that commemorates the deliverance of the Jewish people in the 5th Century Persian Empire from destruction in the wake of a plot by Haman, royal vizier to King Ahasuerus who planned to kill the Jews. The plans were foiled by Mordecai and his niece, Queen Esther. The story is recorded in the Biblical Book of Esther, often referred to as the Megillah.

[2] Translation from the Yiddish: “Purim is no holiday.”

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The Battle Cry of the Shofar

9/13/1942

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Second day Rosh Hashanah

As an Army Air Force chaplain stationed at Keesler Air Force Base in Biloxi, Mississippi in the first year of World War II, Sidney Ballon speaks of the shofar, once a signal to battle, and uses it to summon a spiritual battle

For us today the shofar is still the bugle calling us into spiritual battle. When we hear the sound of the Tekiah it still says to us, as it did to Maimonides, “Awake! Awake! — all you whose spirits sleep.

THE MOST SIGNIFICANT CEREMONY connected with this holy day of Rosh Hashanah is the strange ancient rite of blowing the ram’s horn, the shofar. The importance of this ceremony in the celebration of the holy day may be seen from the fact that originally this day was not even known as Rosh Hashanah, but rather as Zichron Teruah, a day of the memorial of blowing the horn, a name which has been replaced in popular use by the term Rosh Hashanah, but which is still found in the Bible and the prayer book. Traditionally, the reason for the blowing of the shofar is found in the story of Abraham and Isaac which we have read from the Torah this morning. The God-fearing Abraham, we were told, led his obedient and unquestioning son Isaac to be sacrificed on the mountaintop, but Isaac was saved by divine intervention, and in his place was sacrificed a ram which had opportunely become entangled in the thicket by his horns. Therefore, tradition tells us, we blow the shofar, to remind us of that incident on Moriah.[1] The ram’s horn has become the symbol of God's providence as demonstrated in the saving of Isaac. As such, it's piercing blast has sent a thrill of religious fervor running through the veins of worshipers of many generations, and as the sound died away from their ears, they felt that though their very lives hung in the balance as the records of human conduct were laid open for judgment in the celestial court, yet they might rely upon the providence of God and put their trust in Him.

The great sage Maimonides[2] interpreted the blast of the shofar as a call to the Jew to think again of God and to mend his ways. He interpreted the shofar in the following words:
Awake, ye slumberers, from your sleep! Examine your deeds, and humbly return to God, the source of justice and truth. All you who are absorbed in foolishness and forget yourselves, you who pass your days in emptiness, remember your Creator, look into your own souls and amend your ways. Forsake your impure thoughts and your wicked deeds, and follow kindness and righteousness.

In spite of these beautiful interpretations of the shofar which have come down to us, it is strange that such an instrument should have found its place in the worship of Israel. For the shofar was, in ancient times, the signal horn used frequently in time of war. It was with the blast of the shofar that the ancient tribes gave the signal for their columns to move forward. The shofar also commanded them to stop. It signaled the attack and it called them to retreat. When the sacred Temple at Jerusalem was built, the use of steel instruments was forbidden, because the sword as an instrument of war was also made of steel. By similar reasoning we should also have expected the shofar to be barred from our ritual, because it had a connection with war, but nevertheless, the shofar assumed a prominent place in the ritual of the Temple and the synagogue, and it was considered of such importance that the psalmist was led to exclaim,
Ashrai ha-am yodai sruah. Adonoy b’or panecho yehalaichum. Happy is the people who knoweth the sound of the Teruah, They walk, O Lord, in the light of Thy countenance.

The rabbis of old also wondered why the shofar should be so important to Israel and they raise the question,
Do not all the nations know the sound of the Teruah? They all have horns and trumpets and clarions. Why is it said of Israel, “Happy is the people who knoweth the sound of the Teruah, they walk in the light of Thy countenance?”

And in characteristic manner they answer their own question with the statement, "Because Israel knows to use the Teruah to woo the favor of God." Israel with its religious genius had transformed the significance of the shofar from something harsh and materialistic to something deeply spiritual. The shofar still remained a call to battle, but for Israel it became the call to spiritual battle, the call to man to overcome his baser instincts and to draw himself nearer to his God.

For us today the shofar is still the bugle calling us into spiritual battle. When we hear the sound of the Tekiah[3] it still says to us, as it did to Maimonides, Awake! Awake! — all you whose spirits sleep. Do not close your hearts to the beauties of the world in your thoughtless and callous search for pleasures and wealth that bring no peace. Do not blind yourselves to the spiritual goods of life, and do not fritter away your time in empty pursuits. Set your mind on thoughts worthwhile, and learn to appreciate the higher yearnings and aspirations of the human spirit.

And when we hear the Shevarim, it's broken refrain and its hesitant melody, we seem to hear the sighing and weeping of a disappointed and unhappy mankind. It reminds us of how sad the story of humanity is today; of how many who might have lived and enjoyed life and contributed to the welfare of humanity have been sacrificed on the battlefield, leaving sad and empty hearts among those who mourn for them; of how many who love sunlight and cleanliness have been doomed to dwell in the darkness of slums which have stunted their bodies and dwarfed their spirits; of how many have gone hungry and naked for lack of opportunity to earn their daily bread; of how many have been driven and beaten because of man's inhumanity to man. The sad notes of the Shevarim bid us to be mindful of these suffering cries of humanity and to open our hearts in compassion and brotherly love.

And then there is the Teruah, the trumpet blast which was the ancient battle signal, and today also it calls us to this spiritual battlefield. It tells us that these evils need not be, that we must share our bread with the hungry and lend our strengths to those who are weak, that we must give of our energies to the cause of justice and truth, that if we will, these evils which oppress man can be made to pass away, that in our hands and in our hearts we possess the weapons whereby these scourges can be forever banished. If we but will it, the Teruah tells us, we can build on compassion and righteousness, we can create a society which shall be merciful to all men, and forever silence the lament of the Shevarim.

And finally the shofar gives voice to the Tekiah Gedolah. This bids us to turn our gaze into the future, to hope and to have faith, for in that future lies the world which we shall help now to create, the kingdom wherein swords have been beaten into plowshares, so that there are no weapons which may be used to the hurt of our fellow man; a kingdom where every body is straight because it lives in dignity, and where every mind is lighted by wisdom and beauty because it has had the opportunity to grow and develop. It will be a kingdom wherein all men are free and God alone will rule. This is the message of faith and hope which the Tekiah Gedolah signifies and which brings inspiration to our heavy spirits.

This then is the battle cry of the shofar, the rousing call of the Tekiah, the lament of the Shevarim, the call to action of the Teruah, and the hopeful cry of the Tekiah Gedolah. They call upon us to rally and consecrate ourselves to the task of building the Kingdom of God here on earth. On this most solemn Rosh Hashanah, let us hearken unto their message, dedicate our hearts and spirits to the achievement of their ideals, and be cheered in our task by a staunch faith in humanity's ultimate triumph.

[1] Moriah has been interpreted as the name of the specific mountain at which the sacrifice of Isaac occurred. The majority view in Judaism and Christianity is that Mount Moriah is identical with the Temple Mount of Jerusalem. This view though is considered highly controversial among religious as well as secular Bible scholars.

[2] Moshe ben Maimon, acronymed Rambam for "Rabbeinu Moshe Ben Maimon", "Our Rabbi/Teacher Moses Son of Maimon"), and Latinized Moses Maimonides, a preeminent medieval Sephardic Jewish philosopher and astronomer, became one of the most prolific and influential Torah scholars and physicians of the Middle Ages. He worked as a rabbi, physician, and philosopher in Morocco and Egypt.

[3] The shofar calls: Tekiah: meaning the "blast," is one long blast with a clear tone. Shevarim: a "broken," sighing sound of three short calls. Teruah: the "alarm," a rapid series of nine or more very short notes. Tekiah Gedolah: "the great Tekiah," a single unbroken blast, held as long as possible.

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Hast Thou But One Blessing?

11/21/1941

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Only a few short weeks before the United States’ entry into World War II, and one day after Thanksgiving, Sidney Ballon extols the virtues of democracy while staying ever mindful of its shortcomings

We have assembled a tremendous lust for the purpose of saving democracy, but our physical might alone is insufficient. Our armies will fight the external battle if necessary, but to do the job right it is up to America to give its armies a democracy that becomes ever more worthwhile fighting for.

THERE ARE SEVERAL CHARACTERS IN THE BIBLE whom we ordinarily group among its villains, yet who have uttered phrases which have become classic challenges to the conscience of humanity. The most quoted of these characters is the man who has the questionable distinction of being history's first murderer, Cain, concerning whom we read in the opening section of the Torah and whose dramatic question, "Am I my brother's keeper?"[1] has run down through the ages challenging selfishness, greed and indifference. In the Torah portion which we read on this Sabbath comes a similar query of almost equal power. We read again of two brothers who could not get along. They were twins, but nevertheless of contrasting personalities, for "Esau was a cunning hunter, a man of the field; and Jacob was a quiet man, dwelling in tents."[2] The first conflict between them comes when Jacob, for all his quietness, drives a hard bargain for the lunch which Esau craves and wins the birthright in return for a mess of pottage. Later, when their father Isaac is about to die, Jacob again takes advantage of his brother and deceives his father into giving him the blessing originally intended for Esau. And when Esau comes to his father to receive that blessing and discovers what has happened, he weeps bitterly, and asks, "Hast thou but one blessing, my father? Bless me, even me also my father."[3]

This question of Esau, "Hast thou but one blessing, my father?” in striking words, expresses the hurt of the oppressed, impoverished and persecuted of all times. It is the plea of those held in subjection, while others rule over them; it is the plea of those deprived of the material goods of life while others are sated; it is the plea of those who suffer while others seek to beat out of them their religious convictions. And it is most appropriate that we read this story on the weekend of Thanksgiving, for it was with this bitter challenge of Esau in their hearts that the Pilgrim Fathers who gave us this Thanksgiving holiday set sail over unknown seas in search of a new home. Denied the opportunity to worship God as they saw fit, they were hounded and made miserable, deprived of their birthright, and the blessing due them as citizens of England and as human beings. It was their determination to wrest a blessing for themselves also that led them to seek shelter on an unexplored continent, to risk the hostility of a strange race, and unknowingly to lay the foundations of a mighty nation. And today if the festival instituted by them is to be meaningful, we must keep in mind its larger significance. Our thought on Thanksgiving is not merely of thanks for the personal goods which we have acquired and enjoy. Our character would reflect a base selfishness of spirit in spite of such gratitude if we stopped with that. Thanksgiving Day has greater meaning. It is the day on which we turn our thoughts to the blessings that we share or should share with others. It is the day on which we ponder the challenge, “Hast thou but one blessing, my father?” And it is the glory of our country that its answer to this question has always been that in it there must be blessings for all. No one group has by the law of the land been singled out as the favorite to which all other groups are inferior. No one group has by the law of the land been granted the political power over others. No one group has by the law of the land been granted economic dominance over others. No one group has been acknowledged by the law of the land as possessing the religious truth to the exclusion of all others. America, mindful of the forces which led the Pilgrim fathers to these shores, mindful of the unbearable tyranny which led to the rebellion of the fathers of the Revolution, proclaimed to the world that it was self-evident “that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator, (not by any government or human ruler) with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." And so at this season, our Thanksgiving is not only for the bread we eat and the house we live in, but for the privilege, which so many others are denied, of living in freedom amidst a people which still believes in justice and equality.

But if the blessings for which we are thankful in this land are so great, we must be equally mindful of the dangers which threaten them. Thanksgiving Day 1941[4] finds Americans becoming more and more appreciative of the blessings which America bestows upon them, but also finds these blessings placed in ever increasing peril.[5] Externally we are confronted by the might of a people which refuses to concede to all humanity and equal right to the blessings of life, but who rather seeks for itself alone the right to rule the world as a superpower to which all other peoples must pay homage. Internally we are confronted by the efforts of those who have lost faith, who under the pretense of seeking peace, wish to concede victory to the enemies of democracy, and through compromising American principles seek to gain what they believe is the good which will come from being on the side of the victor. To strengthen ourselves against these threats from within and without, preparedness on two fronts is necessary. We need, first of all, to continue to rush our physical defenses and to leave no stone unturned in seeking a peaceful solution of any difficulties which stand in the way. We know the stronger and the quicker we build our physical resources, the more aid we can give to those nations abroad who are engaged in the actual combat with these forces of reaction, and the better will we be able to withstand any possible attack upon ourselves. In this effort to equip ourselves, no citizen has the moral right to hold back either his labor or his capital, or to complain about paying a fair share of the cost. Time is important and delay is fatal. Unfortunately neither labor nor capital has a clear record on that score. Today we are confronted with the vast coal strike and all the loss of time that it implies. On other occasions it has been capital that has been on strike, though with less publicity, and been willing to hold America back for the sake of higher profits. Both are equally to be condemned. It can be said, however, that in spite of these occasional difficulties America has gone forward on the physical front and may pride itself on its achievements of the past months.

There is another front, however, on which the battle must be fought and on which we must fight with equal vigor. We must not think only of the immediate tasks and overlook the problems which will confront us once the immediate emergency is over. The salvation of democracy and the American way of life will not be achieved by the military victory alone when and if it is gained. A larger but less dramatic struggle will ensue in which the principles of democracy will be tested in the fire of postwar adjustments and economic recession. For that struggle, too, preparedness is necessary — spiritual preparedness rather than the physical. And this preparedness consists of strengthening now the democratic procedures upon which the American way is based. America has been a perfect land in theory, but in practice there are still some rough spots in this still growing country which need attention, and the urgent military needs of the moment should not distract our attention from the task of remedying what have been termed "domestic maladjustments, which, if neglected, might prove our Achilles' heel in time of crisis."[6] There are still corners of America where the cry, "Hast thou but one blessing?" May be raised with great pertinence. There are still vast sections of America, particularly in the South where even such a basic principle as the right of every man to vote is through one subterfuge or another violated. There are still corners of America where it seems almost that slavery is still in existence. There are still little islands in this country, and we do not have to go out of the city limits to find them, where a decent home to live in would be looked upon almost as a luxury. Our economic system is yet far from granting to every man life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. The laboring people who have gone on strike have not been altogether in the wrong. They could not accept lying down a situation whereby some men climbed to riches over the backs of others under the excuse of national defense. The salvation of American democracy lies in more democracy. Our democratic system must be increasingly strengthened to absorb the shocks which it will have to suffer in a post war world. We have to be trained more and more to think about the blessing that is due the other man, not only the blessings we enjoy ourselves.

We have assembled a tremendous lust for the purpose of saving democracy, but our physical might alone is insufficient. Our armies will fight the external battle if necessary, but to do the job right it is up to America to give its armies a democracy that becomes ever more worthwhile fighting for. In the long run the inside job we do will be at least of equal importance to that on the outside.

Many years ago a noted Frenchman asked the American poet Lowell, "how long do you think the American Republic will endure?" And the answer was, "so long as the ideas of its founders continue to be dominant." And the Frenchman replied, "I agree with you." At this season of Thanksgiving we render our thanks for these ideas of the founders of America. We thank God that we are among the fortunate who are citizens of America. We also dedicate ourselves to continue to keep the ideas of its founders dominant, and to do our part to put into actual practice their noblest democratic ideals, and thereby to ensure the continued existence of America as man's best hope on earth.

[1] Genesis 4:9 And the LORD said unto Cain: 'Where is Abel thy brother?' And he said: 'I know not; am I my brother's keeper?'

[2] Genesis 25:27

[3] Genesis 27:38

[4] November 20, 1941. In 1939, Franklin D. Roosevelt departed from tradition by declaring November 23, the next to last Thursday that year, as Thanksgiving Day. After two years of confusion and complaint, Roosevelt signed legislation establishing Thanksgiving Day as the fourth Thursday in November. Calendars and holiday plans were already set for the third Thursday in November, 1941 so the legislation took effect in 1942.

[5] Just 17 days before the bombing of Pearl harbor by the Japanese

[6] These appear to be the words of Vera Micheles Dean (1903 – 1972), a Russian American political scientist and one of the leading authorities in international affairs during the 1940s and 1950s at the 1940 National Conference on Social Welfare Annual Meeting, She spoke on Implications of the European Situation, …we must not allow the immediate problems created for us on the military and economic fronts to distract us from the task of remedying domestic maladjustments, which, if neglected, might prove our Achilles' heel in time of crisis. We must remember that if Germany wins a decisive victory in Europe, the immediate impact of such a victory on the Western Hemisphere would take the form, not of military invasion, but of invasion by propaganda against American institutions. As France and Britain and Europe's neutrals have learned to their disaster, propaganda working on dissatisfied, weary, and disillusioned people can circumvent even outwardly effective military preparations. It is not impossible that, for the duration of the present emergency, we may find — as France and Britain did at the zero hour — that we shall have to accept social and economic controls undreamed of in this country and subordinate private interests and conflicts to the task of preserving our national existence. No matter how irksome such controls may prove, they cannot, in the long run, be more destructive of our liberties than foreign invasion. The world into which we are passing is a world new to us, which will require new leadership and new methods. This spells, not the doom of democracy, but the urgent need for its regeneration. For it is not merely with military weapons that we can meet the menace of totalitarianism, but with ideas which can arouse the enthusiasm of our people, give them fortitude in the dark years ahead, and renew their faith in our own future.

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Liberal Rabbis and Jewish Nationalism

3/5/1937

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Throughout its existence, Israel has been subjected to significant criticism from within the Jewish community as well as from without. In this sermon, still from his days as a student-rabbi with his East Liverpool, Ohio congregation, my father takes to task those who equate the nationalist drive of Jews in pre-World War II Palestine with the nationalistic fervor of the totalitarian leaders of Europe at that time.

Even a cursory consideration of the facts will suffice to show that the Jewish concept of nationalism is not only different from the fascist doctrines of Europe, but is altogether in direct opposition to them.

JUST A FEW WEEKS AGO the biennial meeting of the Union of American Hebrew Congregations[1] was held in the city of New Orleans. According to all reports, one of the finest addresses of the convention was that delivered by Rabbi Morris Lazaron[2] of Baltimore. Rabbi Lazaron in his usual masterful fashion presented to the delegates of the convention his conception of what Judaism’s message to the world should be in its present crisis. With the greatest part of this address there can be little difference of opinion. Rabbi Lazaron presented a brilliant exposition of the meaning of Judaism which was everywhere acclaimed. On one point, however, he has been challenged by many of his colleagues, and, as I believe, justly so. When he spoke of the work which has been going on in Palestine for the past few years, a very serious and misleading charge against it was made. Rabbi Lazaron said:

Behind the mask of Jewish sentiment one can see the specter of the foul thing which moves Germany and Italy. Behind the camouflage of its unquestioned appeal to Jewish feeling, one can hear a chorus of ‘Heil.’ Judaism cannot accept as the instrument of its salvation the very philosophy of nationalism which is leading the world to destruction.”

The inference of this statement is clear. Nazism, fascism, and Zionism are here all placed together in the same category and all condemned as being equally undesirable.

Not only Rabbi Lazaron, but several other prominent Reform rabbis also have in the past weeks been guilty of similar misrepresentation and misconstruction of the meaning of Jewish nationalism. In New York City one man even has gone to the ridiculous extreme of asserting that the Nazi Horst Wessel Song[3] and the Zionist Hatikvah[4] rank together in the offensiveness of their nationalistic spirit. There is room for a difference of opinion as to the merits of Zionism and the place it should occupy in Jewish life, but such an identification of Zionism and the belligerent nationalist movements of Europe today is altogether unwarranted and belied by facts.

The mistake upon which such expressions of opinion are founded is a presupposition that all nationalism regardless of its nature is inherently bad. We have before us the repugnant examples of German Nazism, of Italian fascists and of Spanish rebels, and because we are so completely terrified by the path that nationalism has taken in these countries we immediately jump to the conclusion that all nationalism must by its very nature be evil, and some of us in the anxious effort at any cost to keep liberalism above suspicion, band all nationalism together without any discrimination, without any effort to make a distinction between them, and label them all reactionary and a hindrance to social progress. It is not true however, that all nationalism is necessarily opposed to social idealism and is a stumbling block on the road toward the universal brotherhood of man.

There is a nationalism that works itself up into a frenzy of war and hate, but likewise there can be a nationalism of peace and justice. There is a nationalism that preaches the theories of a Hitler, but likewise, there can be a nationalism that preaches the ideals of the prophets. “Nations are no more than collective individuals,” says Dubnow,[5] the Jewish historian. There are some individuals who are continually motivated by the desire to dominate over others and to get ahead of their neighbor, regardless of consequence and regardless of whether or not there be any provocation for such acts. There are some, however, who while they desire to assert and develop their own individuality, at the same time respect the personalities of others and seek to live together in harmony with them.

The first type of man meets with our wholehearted condemnation, yet we do not for this reason condemn every individual person on the face of the earth. We rather cherish and respect the second type all the more because he knows how to live and let live. If it be true then that nations are no more than collective individuals, the same criterion of judgment must be applied to national life. We must distinguish between a national individualism which seeks to preserve and develop its own nationality and a national egotism which is aggressive and whose sole purpose is to suppress and annihilate all other peoples. Before we can jump to conclusions with regard to any particular brand of nationalism be it Jewish or any other kind, it is necessary to analyze completely its motif, to review its ideals and purposes, to note how these are being translated into action, and then to judge accordingly.

Even a cursory consideration of the facts will suffice to show that the Jewish concept of nationalism is not only different from the fascist doctrines of Europe, but is altogether in direct opposition to them. The nationalism of a Hitler is a concept which centers completely in the glorification of the state. All peoples are divided into political units, and to the political unit all of their loyalty must be attached. Their own individual wills and personalities must be suppressed as the state is deified and made supreme. The driving force which motivates such a nationalism is the lust for power and glory. It develops an inflated ego with a worldwide imperialism as its ideal goal. It feels itself superior to every other people and longs for the time when it can gain, if not political, then at least economic control over them all. The evils of such a view are too obvious to mention. But even if it wanted to, Jewish nationalism could not talk in such terms. Palestine is not even a state in its own right. It is still—and undoubtedly will continue for some time to be—under British supervision by authority of a mandate from the League of Nations. Zionists could not, if they would, give way to meaningless dreams of imperialist expansion, or any other similarly foolish political aspirations. The nationalism of the Jew is not political, but cultural. Its goal is not the exaltation of a Jewish state, but the creation of a center for the expression of the Jewish spirit, for the development of language and literature, the creation of its art, a refuge for the oppressed, the achievement of a social ideal. The nationalism of the Jew does not seek to dominate and to lord over other peoples. It is not of the type which divides the whole world into countless fighting units. It is rather of that type which can make for peace in the world and accords to all the right to live.

This difference is very evident in the economic field especially. Fascism is nothing but the attempt to prevent any change in the present economic system. It would retain it completely as it is and freeze the wealth of the few and maintain the poverty of the many. It has no social vision and seeks no improvement on the state of society. The building of Palestine on the other hand is significant for its social strivings and the economic experiments which are being carried on within its midst. From the very outset the program of official Zionism has sought to establish a society which would make for greater equality among its members. One of the first principles to be established was that of the public ownership of land. The moment the Jew was given the opportunity to create his own society he remembered the ancient law of the Bible, “The land shall not be sold, saith the Lord, for the land is mine.” Thus the Jewish National Fund was created to purchase land in Palestine in the name of the whole people of Israel and to hold it in perpetuity for them, their children, and children’s children. It is impossible for anyone to buy or sell this land. It can only be leased for a period of forty-nine years[6] with the privilege of renewal when the lease should expire. Of course individuals may still buy privately, land over which the National Fund has no control, but the Zionist movement in itself is based definitely on this principle of common ownership which was to be the first blow aimed at the monopolies of private greed.

A second social principle, which is entirely foreign to the nationalism of Europe, is the prohibition by the National Fund of all manner of human exploitation. No man is permitted to lease any national fund land except on condition that he work that land himself. Hired labor is forbidden on national fund property. No man may lease more soil than he can cultivate with his own hands and with those of his family. Not the absentee landlord who reaps the benefits of another man’s labors, but the laborer himself enjoys the fruits of his work. Here is another principle aiming at a blow at those very vested interests which fascism but seeks to protect.

Of even greater significance than either of these, however, is the rising power of the Jewish labor movement in Palestine. Over 85% of the laboring class are now members of the federation of labor.[7] Of this labor movement it may be said, without any fear of contradiction, that it is the only ethically motivated program of economic life which does not violate its own principles in attaining its goal, for it does not advocate violence to achieve peace nor dictatorship to establish democracy. In the fifteen years or so of its existence it has organized producers’ and consumers’ cooperatives, established its own banks, sick funds and insurance funds for laborers, hospitals, all types of educational institutions, and sought to establish closer understanding and cooperation with the Arabs. What this labor Zionism means to Jewish nationalism is best seen from a statement by A.D. Gordon[8], the philosopher of the movement. “We must create the kind of life,” he says, “concerning which it will be said it is a national ego in the image of God, for without a national ego in the image of God, there is no personal ego in the image of God.”

This then is the nature of Jewish nationalism. What a far cry from the boastful arrogance of Germany and Italy! To these ideals in theory there are of course some exceptions in actual practice. The achievement of perfection in such a short space of time would be altogether too much to expect. We have our profiteers and land speculators who flood Palestine with their get-rich schemes and who have no regard for even a minimum of social ethics. We have our small group of Revisionists who seek in their amateurish way to imitate the methods of a Hitler and are deluded with visions of grandeur. We shall be forced to struggle with these tendencies for some time to come. But these are not the official ideals of Jewish nationalism, and no one condemns these tendencies more than do the Zionist leaders themselves. These exceptions are by no means sufficient reason for frightened liberals to condemn the whole of Zionism and throw it in the same class with the curses of Europe. The very fact that we look upon these things as undesirable exceptions instead of the accepted standard is in itself proof of how utterly different is the nationalism of the Jew. We have nothing to gain from sweeping condemnation of the Zionist movement. It’s our duty rather to ally ourselves with those aspects of the movement that seek to fulfill our social ideals that they may have added strength more easily to overcome the obstacles that lie before them. With us or without us, Palestine will be rebuilt. If we have faith in the Jew we must have faith that the spirit of justice will eventually completely prevail. May it be speedily and in our day.

[1] The Union for Reform Judaism (until 2003: Union of American Hebrew Congregations) is the congregational arm of Reform Judaism in North America.

[2] Morris Samuel Lazaron (1888-1979), U.S. Reform rabbi, served Baltimore Hebrew Congregation for 31 years beginning in 1915. His efforts in the non-Zionist movement brought him into conflict with many pro-Zionist leaders, such as Stephen S. Wise, and led to his assisting in the founding of the American Council for Judaism, an organization dedicated to supporting the efforts and goals on the non-Zionist movement.

[3] The Horst Wessel Song, written in 1929 by Horst Wessel, a Nazi stormtrooper, was the anthem of the Nazi Party from 1930 to 1945, and from 1933 to 1945 a co-national anthem of Germany, along with the first stanza of the Deutschlandlied.

[4] Hatikvah, literally “The Hope” in Hebrew, is the national anthem of Israel, written by Naphtali Herz Imber, a secular Jew from the Ukraine who moved to the Land of Israel in the early 1880s. The anthem's theme revolves around the nearly 2000-year-old hope of the Jewish people to be a free and sovereign people in the Land of Israel.

[5] Simon Dubnow, (1860-1941) Russian Jewish historian, writer and activist.

[6] This parallels the biblical requirement that the Jubilee year (every 50 years) was to be treated like a Sabbatical year, with the land lying fallow, but also required the compulsory return of all property to its original owners or their heirs.

[7] With the increasing liberalization and deregulation of the Israeli economy since the 1980s, and with the arrival of Israel's modern universal health care system in 1995, the role and size of Histadrut has significantly declined.

[8] Aaron David Gordon (1856-1922), Russian who emigrated to Palestine on 1904, more commonly known as A. D. Gordon, was a Zionist ideologue and the spiritual force behind practical Zionism and Labor Zionism. He founded Hapoel Hatzair, a movement that set the tone for the Zionist movement for many years to come. Influenced by Leo Tolstoy and others, it is said that in effect he made a religion of labor.

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A Song of Joy

1/23/1937

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This somewhat florid text of the young student rabbi reveals his deep passion for Judaism and his yearning for its survival. It contains prescient remarks about the relationship between the future state of Israel and the American Jewish community

The mission of Israel can never be fulfilled by a religious sect whose only function is to assemble occasionally in simulated worship amidst the cold austerity of modern temples dedicated to the service of middle-class Jews

Hebrew Union College

FULLY AS MIRACULOUS AS THE CROSSING OF THE RED SEA was the song which the children of Israel sang upon its shore.[1] For generations the hearts of these erstwhile slaves had known no joy and their parched lips had uttered no song. Their bodies had been broken by the yoke of their toil; their souls crushed by the degradation of their bondage. Silently and sullenly had they gone about their labors, the only utterance of their anguished spirit, a groaning cry unto the Lord their God. And though the shackles of their physical enslavement had been destroyed in a night, the bonds of their spiritual enthrallment could not as easily be escaped. A generation in the wilderness was yet to pass before their longing to return to the fleshpots of Egypt was to cease and appreciation of their new life of freedom to begin. Such a people should hardly be capable of thinking any noble thought, of singing any exalted song, and yet, standing at the shore of the sea as the turbulent waters receded, this ragged group for one glorious moment transcended their slavish souls and gave voice to a majestic paean of joy such as only the most poetic spirit could bring forth.

The rabbis were not unaware of the uniqueness of this event, but readily discerned its cause. It is in expounding the verse, "And they believed in God and in Moses His servant, which immediately precedes this song at the sea, that they made their suggestive comment: "Bis'khar emunah she'he'eminu sharta a-ley-hem ru-akh ha-kodesh v'am'ru shira. It was by virtue of the faith with which they believed that the Holy Spirit did dwell upon them and they recited the song."[2]

Before that time the people of Israel had been the prey of their fears and doubts. They stood at the sea without purpose, without courage, not knowing what to do nor where to turn, all wanting to scatter in different directions, yet held together only by the common fear of Pharaoh pursuing in the rear. Israel could not sing, only complain. But in that one moment of deliverance they thrilled with a blinding flash of faith to the miracle wrought in their behalf. And then, when for the first time they experienced this inner feeling of confidence in themselves, when all their questioning and doubt had melted away, then was born their song of joy.

The same fear that marked the Israelites before their crossing of the sea is characteristic of many of our people today. It is one of the deplorable aspects of Jewish life that so many Jews maintain their connection with Israel not because of any deep-seated urge that springs from within themselves, but rather because they feel constrained to do so as a result of the unfriendly forces of the environment. It is not the positive values inherent in the religious teachings of our past, nor any hope for achievement in the future that binds them to their people. They are rather driven to them by the force of circumstance which leaves them no choice. There was a time when hatred of the Jew was directed against him merely because he was different. Throughout the Middle Ages and up to the period of the Enlightenment, had the Jew been willing to give up his separateness, to adopt and practice the customs of the outside world, he would have been completely accepted and permitted to do so, but then the Jew was unwilling. With the coming of the Enlightenment, however, when Jews did begin in large numbers to make themselves as similar to their neighbors as they possibly could, anti-Semitism took a different trend. Now it allows no retreat from one's people. Putting its hate upon a racial rather than a religious basis, it looks upon the Jew as irredeemable, and its ultimate goal is complete extermination. The modern Jew must of necessity stay with his people. And for many the only raison d'être of Jewish life derives from this external compulsion.

It would be foolish to disparage any Jewish activity at the present time merely because it is stimulated and inspired by reaction to the environment. The retention of many within our ranks who might otherwise have been lost gives us added numbers and added strength. But though external pressure is a significant factor in the preservation of our people, by itself, without a positive faith in the value of Judaism for its own sake and without the will to live as Jews regardless of the outside, it is miserably insufficient. Subconsciously such a negative attitude makes for a sense of frustration and self-pity which is destructive of character. It breeds a feeling of inferiority and self-contempt which crushes the Jewish soul. It can never give rise to melody in Jewish life, because it is built upon a foundation not of faith, but of fear. We become, indeed, like the cringing Israelites beset with fear and uncertainty, divided into contending parties each with its own program of salvation, forced to fight the host of Egypt, but all the while preferring to return within its midst.

Yet as we look out upon the Jewish scene, we see that the mere formulation of a positive philosophy of Judaism is likewise insufficient. In the face of the many challenges to our existence both from the hostility of the outside and the indifference which has confronted us from within, positive interpretations of the role of Judaism have not been lacking. Some have given as the justification and purpose of Jewish survival the spiritual mission which Israel bears to mankind. Others have more recently dwelt on the benefits of a cultural pluralism and the existence of Judaism as such a hyphenated culture. Yet for all the theories that we may have evolved, where is that melody which our ears strain so eagerly to hear? None of them have in themselves gripped the Jewish heart and stimulated the unquestioning faith so necessary to the song of a people. All of these philosophies, of whatever nature they may be, however divergent they are, suffer alike from the same fundamental failing. First they find the reason why the Jew should survive, then they attempt to convince him to live, and this cannot be done. Within our own group we have reiterated the dedication of Israel to the service of God and the bearing of a spiritual mission to humanity. The nobility of such a concept can by no means be belittled. But people do not live by intellectual justifications alone. We cannot reason a people into the love of life and the desire for survival. A healthy people, no less than a healthy individual, lives without the necessity of justifying its existence. When we have to supply either individuals or nations with a rational excuse for living, this is in itself an indication that a sense of futility has set in and the will to live is gone. And when such a will is gone no amount of clever philosophical disputation, no matter how beautiful and noble its thought may be, will suffice to keep this people alive. If it does continue to live, it is due only to the momentum of the centuries which pushes it on. Unless the standards which we set for Jewish life (and these philosophies can be no more than standards) are preceded first by the inner urge for the preservation of that life, the ideal will never be realized. All the urging and exhortation of a Moses would not dispel the fear of Israel on the shore of the sea. It is only when the miracle of the crossing restored their faith in themselves that they could sing. Then they burst forth into melody and proclaimed their dedication unto God. By virtue of the faith wherein they believed did the Holy Spirit dwell upon them and did they recite this song.

All Israel as one united group has no such faith and sings no such song of joy today, yet the miracle of song has not altogether gone from our midst. As we stand caught between the Egyptian hosts of anti-Semitism and the arid wilderness of indifference there is, nevertheless, one miraculous force in Jewish life which has caused a significant portion of Israel to sing. Whether we are sympathetic to Jewish nationalism or not, we must admit that by far more than any other phase of Jewish life today Palestine has supplied new energy and new purpose to Jews throughout the world. Many, indeed, are those whom it has fired with zeal and enthusiasm and whom it has reunited with Jewish life in a positive sense. To be sure many things have been expected of Palestine which have not been completely fulfilled. Some have looked upon it as a place of refuge, and obviously it has not been able to do more than alleviate this problem. Some have looked upon it as a center of Jewish culture and though we have already seen there the beginnings, the full achievement of this ideal remains for the future. Still others have conceived of Palestine as a unique social laboratory where a new society is in the making, and here again although nowhere in the world has a more conscious effort been made in that direction without the use of force and coercion in the process, many evils still stand in the way and the final test is yet to come. But what is even of greater significance for the present is the fact that in spite of all the difficulties and obstacles that stand in the way of any of these ideals, the effort, nevertheless, continues, and Palestine has become to the Jewry of the world the tangible symbol of the faith of Israel in itself and the stimulus of a will to live which needs no justification nor apology.

Within Reform ranks are many of us, however who refuse to take advantage of this opportunity of adding vitality to Jewish life. Somehow there is always the feeling that Zionism as a movement violates all the religious and social principles we hold so dear. But with such an attitude we do an injustice in two important respects. Not only do we hurt the Zionist movement by withholding our support from those elements within it that seek to make its spiritual aspects dominant, but we also hurt Reform by cutting it off from the music of our people, and thus keeping it a lifeless body. Reform Judaism today sadly needs this contact with the classic source of Jewish inspiration, and its establishment involves no sacrifice of ideals or principles. Contrary to what is generally supposed, Zionism and Reform are not only not in opposition to, but rather necessary supplements one to the other. While it is very obvious that if Zionism is to build itself into a secular nationalism indistinguishable in nature from any of the other nationalist movements already existing in the world today, then despite the enthusiasm it arouses it would be altogether unworthy of our attention and exertion. Yet it is no less true that if our preachments concerning the mission of Israel are to be nothing more than the mere statements of platforms and guiding principles, they need an aroused and inspired Jewry working and building in the spirit of this mission. The mission of Israel can never be fulfilled by a religious sect whose only function is to assemble occasionally in simulated worship amidst the cold austerity of modern temples dedicated to the service of middle-class Jews. Nor is this mission fulfilled when we identify ourselves only with the social movements of the land wherein we live and make them rivals to Jewish life instead of supplementary to it. The mission of Israel demands not only the best efforts of the individual Jew in the service of humanity, but likewise the efforts of Israel as a people. We are to be a light unto the nations, but we are not to quench that light in the process.

Whether Jews be technically a religious community or a national group we do not know. Eminent and qualified scholars, arguing from the facts of history, prove either point with equal ease. One thing, however, is certain. Our people today are deeply in need of a positive enthusiasm for Jewish ideals, and Palestine today is the only significant source which has shown itself capable of providing the inspiration. Wherever it has been given the opportunity to do so, it has refreshed the Jew, given him new faith in himself and brought forth a new song of joy. We, too, within the Reform group should not fail to take advantage of this forceful means of rousing our dormant people. Let us not in our eagerness for the things of the spirit cut ourselves off from the body without which the spirit can never live.

There is an ancient legend about a giant who was the offspring of Mother Earth. As long as this giant touched that portion of the earth whence he sprang, he was filled with an overwhelming strength which could not be surpassed. In the writings of one of our modern Jewish authors we find a telling appreciation of this legend. “Somehow the land of Palestine,” he says, “seems to be a similar source of spiritual power to Israel. Once Israel touched this land and gave humanity its greatest book. Again it settled upon its stimulating soil and gave the Western world its faith. Today it taps once more this well of strength. Who can tell what new gifts of the spirit Israel now prepares to bring forth for all mankind!

The following blessing was attached to this sermon and yet separate. It seems that it may have been used as a separate benediction within the service in which the sermon had been delivered.

Heavenly Father! Thou who hast honored Israel with the words of Thy Law and blessed him with the sages who taught in Thy name! Strengthen us, we pray Thee, to be worthy of our heritage. Guide us in the right paths wherein we may labor for Thee. Endow us with wisdom and inspiration to the end that we may be a witness to Thy truth and a harp for Thy song.

Adonai Oz L'Amo Yiten; Adonai Yivarekh Et Amo Ba-Shalom.
May God grant strength to His people; May God bless His people with peace.

[1] The Song of the Sea (Hebrew: שירת הים‎, Shirat HaYam) is a poem that appears in the Book of Exodus of the Hebrew Bible, at Exodus 15:1–18. The poem is included in Jewish prayer books, the most familiar verse being: “Who is like unto Thee, O Lord, among the mighty? Who is like unto Thee, glorious in holiness, fearful in praises, doing wonders?”

[2] Exodus 14:31 “And Israel saw the great work which the Lord did upon the Egyptians, and the people feared the Lord; and they believed in the Lord, and in His servant Moses.”

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Cutting Room Floor

Israel's Secret Weapon

The Battle Cry of the Shofar

Hast Thou But One Blessing?

Liberal Rabbis and Jewish Nationalism

A Song of Joy

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